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Monday, October 31, 2005

Dalam Kenangan Sang Romo Pandita Telah Tiada

Senin Pon Wuku Ugu, 26 April 2004, pukul 23.13, Romo Pandita Rsi Gunawan Patrakusuma Keniten telah meninggalkan kita untuk selamanya. Beliau wafat setelah dirawat selama kurang lebih 3 bulan di RS Dharmais, Jakarta. Pandita asal Jawa yang dilahirkan 64 tahun lalu itu merupakan pandita yang tak kenal lelah dalam membina umat Hindu Jawa, khususnya Jawa Tengah. Abhiseka “Patrakusuma Keniten” sebagai nama diksa, karena beliau adalah penerus leluhur beliau dari pasraman keluarga besar Patrakusuma Keniten (pada jaman Kediri); yang merupakan keturunan raja Kediri, Prabu Jayabaya. Ketika belum melaksanakan dwijati, beliau dikenal dengan nama Romo Munaji yang malang melintang di Jawa. Tahun sebelumnya, Pandita Istri telah lebih dahulu meninggalkan kita selamanya, dan tahun ini kembali umat Hindu Nusantara kehilangan putra terbaiknya, dengan meninggalkan keteladanan dan semangat juang luar biasa.

Perabuan di Jakarta
Dengan kerjasama berbagai tokoh dan masyarakat Hindu di Jakarta, upacara perabuan dilaksanakan pada Selasa Wage, 27 April 2004 di Krematorium Cilincing, Jakarta Utara. Dengan iringan musik gamelan angklung dan kidung pralina Jawa karya Adi Suripto, hadir ratusan umat Hindu berbagai etnis dari wilayah-wilayah se- Jabotabek mengiringi jalannya upacara itu. Para tokoh Hindu yang terlihat hadir antara lain, Dirjen Bimas Hindu dan Budha, I Wayan Suarjaya, DR I Made Titib, I Nyoman Suwandha (Ketua Umum Pengurus Harian Parisada Pusat), Pariasta Westra (sesepuh umat Hindu dari Yogyakarta), Ketua Parisada DKI (IB Rai Sogatha), Ketua Suka Duka DKI (Erlangga Mantik). I Nengah Dana; dan juga hadir umat Hindu Jawa dari Paguyuban Majapahid, serta tokoh-tokoh Hindu dari etnis India. Sesaji yang digunakan sangat sedikit dan sangat sederhana, dipersiapkan oleh ibu-ibu dari Banjar Cijantung; sekaligus menuntaskan upacara hingga selesai.

Pemimpin Upacara
Upacara dipimpin oleh Nabe Sang Romo Pandita sendiri yang juga memimpin upacara pengabenan Pandita Istri, yaitu Dharma Adhyaksa Parisada Pusat, Ida Pedanda Sebali Tianyar Arimbawa. Tirta Pengentas dipercikkan oleh Pedanda, lalu diikuti oleh beberapa tokoh umat maupun spiritual dari berbagai wilayah dan dengan pola yang menarik namun sangat sakral. Setelah Pedanda, tirtha dipercikkan dengan iringan doa oleh tokoh Budha dari Jepara, Jawa Tengah; baik doa maupun lagu pengentasnya benar-benar memancarkan spirit yang tinggi. Terdengar doa-doa suci dari dinasti Syailendra, pada jaman raja Samarottungga mendirikan Candi Borobudur, sebuah doa kuno yang sangat tua dan vibrasinya luar biasa. Kemudian dilanjutkan dengan doa dan percikan tirtha pengentas dari Pandit Satyasilan, seorang pandita dari etnis India, pemimpin sebuah kuil atau Mandir, tempat pemujaan umat Hindu India di Jakarta. Doa pengentas yang sakral ini meluncur cepat, seolah mendorong agar sang roh dengan cepat menuju alam keheningan. Yang ketiga, giliran seorang yogi usia muda dengan air suci dari pertemuan tiga sungai di India, dipercikkan dengan iringan doa pengentas, yogi yang asli orang Bali ini menyandang nama Sri Acharyaji Saigiananda. Doa suci yang dilantunkan ini seolah menyegarkan sang roh, sehingga tiada lagi rasa sakit dunia ini. Sang Yogi muda ini dikenal sebagai seorang penyembuh berbagai penyakit dengan Ayurvedic Teraphy.Seorang tokoh Hindu Yogyakarta, yang juga tokoh spiritual melalui seni budaya (Ki Noor WA) dengan latar belakang Kejawen tulen, yang baru turun gunung, setelah bertapa selama 9 tahun di Gunung Lawu, juga hadir dan ikut serta mengiringi perjalanan roh sang Romo, dengan doa khasnya “njurung sukma” (mendorong sukma) agar sempurna. Dan akhirnya, seluruh umat yang hadir ikut serta memercikkan tirtha pengentas dengan iringan doa masing-masing.

Upacara yang Unik
Dengan mengikuti jalannya upacara sejak awal, dapat dibayangkan betapa ini merupakan sebuah upacara perabuan atau pengabenan yang unik dan menarik. Dengan sesaji inti tidak lebih dari tiga jenis, dilaksanakan di Jakarta, dengan partisipasi tokoh-tokoh spiritual dari berbagai wilayah, etnis dan gaya masing-masing; maka perjalanan menuju alam keheningan dari Sang Romo menjadi begitu istimewa. Tak pelak lagi, ketika seorang spiritualist muda berbisik, sesaat setelah tirtha dan doa pengentas itu menyentuh jasad: “Sang Romo telah bangkit dari tidurnya, terbang melayang tanpa wahana, sambil berkata “aku tak membutuhkan apa-apa lagi, upacara ini sudah lebih dari cukup”. Beliau telah terbang, tidak memerlukan wahana apapun. Maka proses peleburan jasad Sang Romo pun dilanjutkan oleh sang api, mengembalikan sang unsur-unsur Pradana.

Pelipis Pemuja Siwa
Sang Romo memang mengagumkan ketika masih hidup, tak pernah jauh dari umatnya, selalu hadir dalam pertemuan, terutama dalam setiap forum-forum pemuda Hindu. Ini belum istimewa, tetapi ketika sang api melebur jasad, dan tulang-tulang pun akhirnya menyerah. Tetapi Sang Romo masih memberikan kejutan dan kesan tak terlupakan, karena pada tulang diatas mata ketiga tertulis jelas huruf Jawa Kuno, tak jauh dari dugaan, sebagai bukti pemuja Siwa yang tekun, sehingga berkenan memberikan huruf-huruf sucinya, yang tak terhapuskan oleh Sang Agni.

Revolusi Perabuan
Sebuah revolusi perabuan telah ditinggalkan oleh Sang Romo Pandita Rsi Gunawan Patrakusuma Keniten kepada kita. Sebentuk upacara perabuan yang sederhana, khidmat, sakral, penuh spirit, dan universal; melibatkan beberapa gaya dan model spiritual Hindu yang kaya. Beranikah kita mengulangi lagi upacara perabuan seperti ini, paling tidak untuk umat Hindu di luar Bali? Kenapa tidak! Selamat Jalan Romo Pandito (gading sewu)

sumber:
http://www.mediahindu.net/Mengenal%20Tokoh.htm

Friday, October 21, 2005

Balinese Hindu priests support the turtle conservation

The turtle or tortoise is itself a sacred animal for Balinese Hindus, since it represents the Kurma Avatar or Bedawang Nala (Wisnu's incarnation as a giant turtle supporting the world). Thus, sea turtles are valued as sustainers of life on earth.

With the help of Acharya Dwijendra Agni Homa (a local prayer community lead by Ida Pedanda Gde Bang Buruan), WWF was able to collect signatures of 30 Hindu high priests and 25 traditional leaders that support turtle conservation in Bali. In the light of this extensive support, the Indonesian Hindu High School (Parisadha Hindu Dharma Indonesia) finally declared that the use of sea turtles in offerings is not obligatory and that Hindu people should respect and follow the sea turtle protection law.

Ever since turtle conservation came to prominence in Bali in 1990s, questions have been raised about the role of the Hindu religion in the exploitation of this endangered species. Amongst the most frequently asked questions are why is turtle meat needed as offerings during the religious ceremonies, and why Hindu priests in Bali do not appear to have taken any action to help with conservation of turtles.

Since its creation in 1996, WWF Indonesia Bali Office has worked to come up with answers to these questions, and to show that far from being against conservation, conserving nature is in fact an integral part of the Hindu religion.

However, in 1998, after two years of work with some traditional turtle consumer villages (including the trade market Tanjung Benoa), WWF Bali organized a meeting with traditional village leaders, two Hindu high Priests (Ida Pedanda Gde Ngurah Kaleran and Ida Pedanda Subali Tianyar Arimbawa) and Hindu Theologist (I made Titib and Ketut Wiana) in Bali.

The meeting concluded that the Veda (Hindu's holy script) did not actually specify any obligation to use turtle meat for offerings, nor for traditional fiestas that usually accompany religious events. For this reason, the Priests and Hindu Theologists urged the Balinese to reduce their consumption of turtle meat.

According to the priests, there are only a few Hindu ceremonies that use a turtle head as a part of the offering, symbolizing the base of the world. This can be replaced with symbols such as a drawing of a turtle or a turtle-shaped rice cake.

sumber:
http://www.indo.com/indonesia/news144.html

Prambanan, the Sacred Hindu Complex

Central Java, Indonesia
By Barrie Lie-Birchall

When you travel by air from Bali to Yogyakarta in Central Java, you will inevitably see the massive Hindu temple complex of Prambanan. If you travel by road from an easterly direction, you cannot miss it - Prambanan is only 100 metres from the road. Whichever way you first see this massive complex, its towering temple structures are awe-inspiring, and its beauty, breathtaking. Prambanan is located in Central Java, roughly 20 kilometres from Yogyakarta, the renowned cultural centre of Java.

Built during the Sanjaya Dynasty in the 9th century, the central area has three main temples according to the
Hindu Trinity - 'Vishnu' facing to the North, 'Shiva' in the centre, and 'Brahma' to the South. Facing each of these temples is a smaller shrine for their vehicles. The vehicle of Shiva (the Destroyer) is Nandi the bull, the vehicle of Vishnu (the God creator) is the Garuda eagle, and, Brahma (the Guardian god) has a vehicle of the swan, Angsa. Each temple has its own smaller courtyard. The main temple Vishnu, situated in the inner courtyard, is actually surrounded by smaller temples called Pewara temples. These temples were apparently built, and given as gifts to the king in a manner of submission. Walking from the carpark along the main path, the grounds and lawn are immaculately kept, and scattered here and there are piles of square stone blocks - smaller temples yet to be reconstructed. Walls of varying height can be seen around the complex, even though most are in disarray. It isn't difficult to imagine just how magnificent this complex was in the 9th Century. There are well over 250 smaller temples in the Prambanan complex spread out on the Prambanan plain. All the temples are within walking distance and easily accessible.

Shiva, the main temple, is 47 meters in height, and has 20 sides. It has remarkable stone relief panels on all its 20 sides depicting the story of the Ramayana. If you enter from the east side of the temple and walk around, the story reveals itself. Basically the story of the Ramayana depicts how the wife of Prince Rama, Sita, is abducted by an ogre king. Prince Rama, accompanied by the monkey king Hanuman and his army of monkey soldiers, attack the ogre king in the forest and rescue Sita. The Ramayana Ballet is performed every year on the night of a full moon, between the months of May to October. It is a magnificent performance with a backdrop setting of the main three temples. It is almost an all night affair, so bring plenty of insect repellent and something soft to sit on!

Steep steps lead up to the entrance of the Shiva temple, and once inside, chambers are located in each side of the temple. In the eastern chamber is a magnificent statue of the four-armed God Shiva. As I walked from chamber to chamber, the dim light filtering through, I couldn't help but be spiritually moved, at peace within myself. The western chamber has a magnificent statue of Ganesha, the divine teacher.

The locals often refer to the Shiva temple as Candi Lorojonggrang and if you enter from the north, then there is a statue of the princess Roro Jonggrang. There is a quaint legend associated with this: Roro Jonggrang, who was the daughter of King Boko was actually cursed into a statue. According to legend, an extremely powerful man by the name of Bandung Bondowoso desired to wed Roro Jonggrang. However, she did not love him, and decided to set Bandung Bondowoso a task to deter his desire to wed her. Roro Jongggrang declared she would only marry him if he could build a thousand temples in one night. Bandung Bondowoso was a powerful man with supernatural powers and saw no difficulty in the task set. When he had almost completed Roro Jonggrang's request, she panicked and ordered all the women from the villages to the east to burn piles of hay causing light, and make plenty of noise by pounding rice as if the day's work had begun. These actions caused the situation surrounding the area to be as if the sun was rising. As the cocks began to crow, being fooled also, the supernatural beings assisting Bandung Bondowoso fled in terror of the pending sunlight. When Bandung Bodowoso realised he had been tricked, he flew into a rage and cursed Roro Jonggrang into a stone statue, finishing his task proudly.

The temples of Brahma and Vishnu are small in height compared to Shiva. The relief panels depicting the story of the Ramayana on the outer walls of the Shiva temple, are completed and the story ends as seen on the relief panels around the walls of the Brahma temple. I was fascinated by the actual story, and as you go from panel to panel, it seems as though you are actually reliving it. On the balustrades of the Vishnu temple, the story depicted is that of Lord Krisna. It tells the story of the childhood of Praba Krisna - the epic of the Mahabharata. What I found interesting was the image of Vishu, known as the 'Preserver' inside the temple. It was so life-like even though centuries old.

One of the finest Indonesian sculptures is to be found in a smaller shrine, Nandi. A figure of a bull kneeling on all fours, looking extremely powerful, is located inside a chamber within. From these temples and smaller shrines, there are various others worth exploring spread out over the plain. It would take more than a full day to appreciate and 'take in' the beauty of the complex on the Prambanan plain. It is advisable to arrive at Prambanan before the hordes of tourist buses. This usually occurs at around 10am. Many years ago, I was caught out in such a situation, and I saw very little of the temples. I only heard the constant gibbering of tourists as they clicked away with their cameras, and scrambled over the temples and shrines. The best times to appreciate the Prambanan complex, I have found, is at dawn and at dusk. The sun rising and setting is a photographer's delight, and an explorer's dream.

An interesting aspect of the Prambanan Plain, is that there are several other shrines and temples nearby - and all dedicated to Buddha. Three hundred metres to the north-east of Prambanan is located the large Buddhist temple of Sewu. Although not as big in area as Prambanan, it is vast and contains four small temples - Lor Kulon, Asu, Lumbung and Bubrah. I found it to be an interesting complex seldom visited by tourists. About a kilometre to the east of the Sewu temple is the Buddhist temple of Plaosan. There are two main temples standing side by side. Each has terraces with relief panels on the balustrades - the southern most of the two temples depicts a man and the other temple, a woman.

For those of average fitness, a pleasant walk to the Kalasan Temple, located a kilometre along the main road from Prambanan is a delight. It is 24 meters high and the base is uniquely built in the shape of a Greek Cross. Built in the Sanjaya Dynasty, it is regarded as a temple of honour being for the marriage between King Pancapana of the Sanjaya Dynasty and the princess Dyah Pramudya Wardhani of the Caliendra Dynasty. What I found fascinating about this temple was its coating. A yellowish material made from the sap of a certain tree. The coating is called 'Vajrelepa' and its function is to protect against moss and mildew. It certainly did its job efficiently and this was evident as I walked around the temple walls looking at the many preserved carvings.

To the north-east, about six hundred metres, is located the Sari temple. I was very wary of entering this temple as most of the entrance stairway had crumbled away, and there was even a few stone slabs fell off the stairway whilst I was standing there! Like the Kalasan temple, Sari too was coated in 'Vajrepala'. It has two floors, as the gatekeeper informed me in broken English. Apparently the upper floor was a sanctuary to store religious relics, whilst the other floor was an area for prayer by the Buddhist monks who lived there, taught, and meditated there.

The last temple I visited in this 'holy area' was the Sambisari Temple. A volcanic eruption in the year 1006, buried the temple. Local stories tell of a farmer who was ploughing the field one particular day and the gouging hook of his plough struck the tip of the temple. Only recently restored, what amazed me was that the temple was below the surface of the surrounding area. There are roughly sixty steps leading down each side into the temple situated in a perfect square area. Sambisari was built in the 10th century. The temple area is enclosed by a two metre high stone wall, and although lacking any relief panelling on its balustrades, the ornate carvings on the temple walls are magnificent.

Like most places of worship throughout the world that I have visited, I have always found that the ideal time to visit is early morning - especially in Indonesia when the sun is at its fiercest during the middle of the day. Central Java is an archaeological delight, and I was pleased to have experienced the wonders of each temple that I saw on my journey those two days. There was no doubt in my mind that I would return again - and again.

sumber:
http://www.bootsnall.com/travelstories/asia/sep02pram.shtml

Zaman Indonesia – Kuno

Pada kira-kira th. 78 Masehi : Diperkirakan permulaan Kerajaan dengan nafas Hindu sekaligus merupakan permulaan metode perthitungan Tahun di Jawa.
Abad IV-V : Kerajaan Hindu di Jawa Barat Tarumanegara. Raja : Purnawarman.dengan Ibu kota Jansinga. dan di Jawa Tengah berdiri Kerajaan Kalingga.
414 : Perkunjungan Fa Hien musafir Tionghoa ke Indonesia.

433 dan 435 : Dua kali terjadi perkunjungan utusan Tarumanegara ke Tiongkok.
Kira-kira th. 450 M : Di Kalimantan : kerajaan Muarakaman atau Kutai. Raja-rajanya : Kudungga, Asjwawarman dan Mulawarman.
Kira-kira th. 650 M : Di Sumatera berdiri : kerajaan Melayu dan Sriwijaya..
Kira-kira th. 700 M : Kerajaan Melayu runtuh. Sriwijaya berkuasa. Pusat pemerintahan berada di Palembang sekaligus sebagai pusat agama Budha dan ilmu pengetahuan di Sumatra
Kira-kira th. 732 M : Wangsa Sanjaya merubah nama Kalingga dengan Mataram. Ia menjadi raja pertama Mataram Hindu. dengan Ibu kota : Medang Kamulan. Masa ini juga merupakan masa pendirian candi-candi Siwa di Gunung Dieng.
Kira-kira th. 750-850 M : Sailendra dari Sriwijaya menguasai Jawa Tengah.,juga masa berdirinya candi-candi : Borobudur, Candi Mendut, Candi Kalasan.
Kira-kira th. 800 M : Mataram Hindu terdesak. Keluarga Sanjaya menyingkir ke wilayah Jawa Tengah
Kira-kira th. 925 M : Jawa Tengah ditinggalkan, di Jawa Timur mulai didirikan kerajaaan-kerajaan (925-1042)
Kira-kira th. 929-947 M : Empu Sindok, raja pertama Jawa Timur, pusat : Singasari.
947-990 : Sri Isyana Tunggawijaya, puteri Sindok memerintah.
990-1007 : Pemerintah Darmawangsa.Pada zaman ini diterjemahkan Kitab Mahabarata dari bahasa Sansekerta ke dalam huruf dan bahasa Jawa.
991-992 : Peristiwa Penyerangan Darmawangsa ke Sriwijaya, namun gagal.
1006-1007 : Sriwijaya menuntut balas. Darmawangsa tewas.
1010 : Utusan terdiri dari bupati-bupati meminta pada Airlangga, menantu Darmawangsa untuk mengendalikan pemerintahan.
1019-1041 : Pemerintahan Airlangga berdiri dengan Ibu kota: Kahuripan. Pada zaman ini Empu Kanwa menciptakan : Kitab Arjunawiwaha.
1028-1035 : Airlangga turun tahta. Kerajaan yang dengan susah payah dibagi dua untuk kedua putranya. Jenggala dengan ibu kota Kahuripan,dan Panjalu atau Kediri dengan ibu kota Daha.
Kerajaan Kediri (1042 – 1222)
Terjadilah peperangan antara kedua putra Airlangga untuk merebut hegemoni. Akhirnya Kediri berkuasa. Pengaruhnya sampai ke Indonesai Timur.
1115-1134 : Pemerintahan Kamicwara I. Dalam zamannya Empu Darmaja menjiptakan : Smaradahana.
1135-1157 : Jayabaya,merupakan Raja ,sekaligus dikenal ahli-nujum. Masa ini, Empu Sedah menterjemahkan sebagian Mahabrata: Bratayuda. ada juga Pujangga lain yang hidup yaitu :Empu Panuluh.
1157-1171 : Sarweswara
1171-1181 : Areyyeswara
1181-1185 : Kroncharyadipa
1185-1194 : Karmicwara II
1194-1200 : Sarweswara
1200-1222 : Kertajaya
1222 : Kertajaya dikalahkan oleh Ken Angrok, raja Singasari
1222-1227 : Pemerintahan Ken Angrok bergelar Rajasa, raja pertama Singasari. Pusatnya berada di Tumapel
1227 : Ken Angrok dibunuh oleh anak tirinya Anusapati.
1227-1248 : Pemerintahan Anusapati.
1248 : Tohjaya memerintah.
1248-1268 : Ranggawuni ( Sriwisnuwardana).
1268-1292 : Kertanegara raja terakhir Singasari.
1275 : Ekspedisi ke Melayu. Sriwijaya ditaklukan.
1284 : Ekspedisi ke Bali
1289 : Hubungan Singasari dengan Kubilai Khan, Kaisar Tiongkok, menjadi buruk.
1292 : Serangan atas Singasari oleh Jayakatwang, anak Kertajaya.
Kerajaan Kediri II (1292-1293)
Kerajaan ini tidak lama berdirinya. Berdirinya disertani dengan pemerintahan-bayangan Majapahit yang akan menjelma. Bary saja Jakatwang memerintah, kerajaan telah jatuh ketangan yang lebih berhak : Raden Wijaya, keturunan Ken Angrok
1293 : Angkatan laut Tiongkok dibawah pimpinan Hei Mi, Kan, Hsing dan Hsi Pi berlabuh di Tuban. Maksudnya untuk menghajarKertanegarta yang sudah meninggal. Raden Wijaya memakai kesempatan ini. Pertama kali bersatu dengan pasukan Tiongkok dan bersama-sama menjerang Jayakatwang yang dapat dikalahkan. Raden Wijaya kini balik gagang dan mengusir pasukan Tiongkok.
Kerajaan Majapahit
1293-1309 : Raden Wijaya, dengan gelar Kertarajasa Jayawrdana, radja Majapahit pertama.
1309-1328 : Pemerintah Jayanegara
1328-1350 : Prabu Kenya atau Tribuanatunggadewi memerintah.
1350-1389 : Pemerintahan Hayam Wuruk zaman keemasan Majapahit. Hampir seluruh Indonesia dalam kekuasaan. Buat pertama kali dipakai kata : Nusantara.
Pujangga : Empu Prapanca menulis Negarakertagama,Empu Tantular : Arjunawijaya Sutasoma
1364 : Gajah Mada, perdana menteri utama Majapahit, meninggal, setelah lebih kurang 33 tahun memegang jabatan Patih
1389-1400 : Pemerintahan pertama Wikramawardana
1429-1447 : Pemerintahan kedua Suhita
1447-1451 : Pemerintahan Bre Tumapel
1437 : Kediri memerdekakan diri dari Majapahit
1478 : Rja Kediri, Giridrawardana mengusir raja-raja keturunan Raden Wijaya
1520 : Kejatuhan Majapahit seluruhnya. Tamatlah riwayatraja-raja keturunan Ken Angrok
Jawa Barat
1030 : Berdirinya kerajaan nafas hindu : Sunda dengan rajanya Sri Jayabupati.
1190 : Kerajaan Galuh dengan rajanya Ratu Pusaka
1333 : Kerajaan Pajajaran, dengan ibu kota Pakuan. Rajanya Ratu Purnama
Kerajaan Kutai di Kalimantan timur tahun 400 M (Kerajaan Hindu)Raja yang pertama : KudunggaRaja yang terkenal : Mulawarman
Kerajaan Tarumanegara di Jawa Barat tahun 500 M (Kerajaan Hindu)Raja yang terkenal : Purnawarman
Kerajaan Kalingga di Jepara (Jawa Tengah) tahun 640 M (Kerajaan Budha)Raja yang terkenal : Ratu Shima:
Kerajaan Mataram awal Hindu di Jawa Tengah tahun 732 M (Kerajaan Hindu)Raja yang pertama : SanjayaRaja yang terkenal : Balitung
Kerajaan Sriwijaya di Palembang abad VII (Kerajaan Budha)Raja yang pertama : Sri Jaya NagaRaja yang terkenal : Bala Putra Dewa
Kerajaan Medang di Jawa Timur abad IX (Kerajaan Hindu)Raja yang terkenal : Empu Sendok:
Kerajaan Kahuripan di Jawa Timur tahun 1073 M (Kerajaan Hindu)Raja yang pertama dan terkenal : Airlangga
Kerajaan Kediri di tepi Sungai Berantas Jawa Timur abad XII M (Kerajaan Hindu)Raja yang pertama : Jaya WarsaRaja yang terkenal : Jaya Baya
Kerajaan Singasari di Jawa Timur tahun 1222 - 1292Raja yang pertama : Sri Rajasa (Ken Arok)Raja yang terkenal : Kertanegara (Joko Dolok)
Kerajaan Majapahit di Delta Brantas tahun 1293 - 1520 (Kerajaan Hindu)Raja yang pertama : Raden WijayaRaja yang terkenal : Hayam WurukRaja yang terakhir : Brawijaya (Kertabumi)Patih yang terkenal : Gajah Mada
Kerajaan Pajajaran di Priangan (Jawa Barat) tahun 1333 (Kerajaan Hindu)Raja yang terkenal : Sri Baduga MaharajaRaja yang terakhir : Prabu Sedah
Kerajaan Demak di Jawa Tengah tahun 1513 - 1546 (Kerajaan nafas Islam)Raja yang pertama : Raden Patah (Sultan Bintoro)Raja yang terakhir : Sultan Trenggono
Kerajaan Pajang di Surakarta tahun 1568 - 1586 Raja yang pertama : Joko Tingkir (Sultan Hadiwijoyo)Raja yang terakhir : Ario Pangiri
Kerajaan Mataram Islam di Kota Gede (Yogyakarta) abad XVI Raja yang pertama : Suto Wijoyo (Panembahan Senopati)Raja yang terkenal : Sultan Agung
Kerajaan Banten di Jawa Barat tahun 1556 - 1580 (Kerajaan nafas Islam)Raja yang pertama : HasanuddinRaja yang terkenal : Sultan AgengRaja yang terakhir : Panembahan Yusuf

sumber:
http://www.jawapalace.org/indonesia.html

SUDUT TEMPLE

Sudut Temple (sudut = corner) is located at each corner of the open verandah of the main temple, with the dimension of 1.55 x 1.55 square meters and 4.10 meter high. The four Sudut Temple have no entrance stairway.

KELIR TEMPLE

Kelir Temple was located in front of each entrance gate, the North, South, West and East gate. These temples were small with the dimension of 1.55 x 1.55 square meters and 4.10 meter high. These temples function as guardian temple, to reject any bad spirits. These temples reminded the pura in Bali.

APIT TEMPLE

Two Apit temples ("flanking temple"; apit = to flank) stood near the entrance gate, flanking two rows of temples, the west and the East row. Apit temples had dimension of 6 x 6 square meters and 16 meters high. Each temple had one entrance facing to the North and to the south. The shape and structure of these temples were similar to other temples at Lorojonggrang complex, however the Apit temples looked slimmer than the others due to the higher foot part. The conspicuous feature of Apit temple is the presence of a lion figure in sitting position and wide-open mouth, one of the front foot is raised.

NANDI TEMPLE

This temple faced to the west, with a dimension of 15x15 meters and 25 meters high. This temple has also a single room with the statue of Nandi. Besides the statue of Nandi were found the statue of the God of the Sun and Chandra behind the statue of Nandi. Both Gods drove carriage each dragged by 7 horses (God of the Sun) and 10 horses (Chandra). The ornaments were similar to those found in other temples. In front of Wisnu Temple and Brahma temple were found empty temples, called Temple A and Temple B. Each temple had the dimension of 13 x 13 meters and 22 meters high.

BRAHMA TEMPLE

The form and size of Brahma Temple is much similar to Wisnu Temple. The size of Brahma Temple is 20 x 20 meters square and 23 meters high. Similar to Wisnu Temple, Brahma Temple has one room with one stairway to enter from the east. Inside the room there is four-headed Brahma statue. At the foot of the temple were found a figure of a priest accompanied by other figures in a position of praying. The ornaments exist all four sides of the temple. The foot of the temple is surrounded by an open verandah with balustrade. At the inner side of the balustrade were relieves which tell the continuation of Ramayana story which were inscripted on Ciwa Temple. At the outer side of the balustrade were found figures of priest in the sifting position (praying). Other ornamentals were found at the foot of the temple, similar to that at Ciwa and Wisnu Temple.

Relief of Brahma Temple
According to Bernet Kempers and Sudiman (1974), it was mentioned that the relief at the balustrade of Brahma Temple contained the continuation of Ramayana story, but it turned out that some sequence of the story did not match, so it was not the actual arrangement of the temple stones when the temple was in restoration. Some of the lost stones (with relief) were found nearby the village, and were returned back to the original arrangement.


Some of the scene (1-5 of previous paragraph) which showed apes marching, followed by scenes of the baffle between the apes and Rahwana. That battle should ended by the death of the giants (6-12). One of Rahwana's brother, Kumbokarno was woke up, and attacking the apes (6-12). Then Kumbokarno died (8-9), and so was Rahwana (10). After this part of the story, the continuation was found elsewhere.

In a short time, Sinta returned to Rama. Then Sinta was denied by Rama because she had been in Rahwana's palace. It was pictured she went into the wood, crossing the Gangga River (1 7). At a meditation site, she delivered a baby. Then she was seen picking up f lowers with her child (21). On the relief No. 25, two teenagers were in a battle with a giant. The actual story revealed that indeed the two teenagers were the children of Sinta going to the palace as singers to see their father. At that time there was a celebration. This part was called the celebration relief (30). This story is as a satire expressing the luxury life of priests. At the end of the story, Sinta was called into Rama's palace to proof her purity.

WISNU TEMPLE

The overall structure of Wisnu Temple could be considered similar to Ciwa Temple but smaller in size, 20 x 20 meters square and 23 meters high. This temple has only one stairway to the center of the temple which is a room with Wisnu statue inside. The base of the temple is surrounded by an open space with balustrade around it. The inner side of the balustrade was inscripted a story in relief form. The story was about Krisna, an avatar of Wisnu. At the outer side of the toot of the temple were figures of Lokapala Gods in different posture. Other ornamentals were similar to that at Ciwa Temple.

Relief of Wisnu Temple
As has been reported by Bernet and Sukmono (1974), the relief at Wisnu Temple expressed the reincarnation of Wisnu in another form. The story is very popular in India but less well-known in Indonesian literature and not known in relieves found in Indonesia. It has been forecasted that Kangsa the Giant will be killed by Dewaki, the eighth son of his cousin. To secure his safety, Kangsa killed all the seven son of his cousin. At that time the eighth son was still in the womb of Dewaki's mother. So Kangsa observed the pregnant mother very carefully.

(1-4) The child whom will be born was a reincarnation of Wisnu. Kresna was able to save the baby by changing the baby with another. Kresna, so was the name of the baby, was raised among the shepherds.
(6) He was so naughty that one time he had to be tied to a stone (which usually used to grind seed grain ). A female giant ape tried to feed Kresna which had been poisoned . But Kresna sucked the milk so hard causing the female giant died. Another giant in the form of a buffalo stroke the shepherds.
(7) A big snake.
(8) A giant in the form of a donkey
(9) Other giants were also killed
(10-14) While Kangsa was told that two babies were still alive
(26) Krisna carried a big bow.

These relieves did not show significant relationship between the childhood of Krisna and other stories about Krisna.

CIWA TEMPLE

The temple complex could be divided in another dimension. Vertically, the complex of temples consists of three groups of temples, the foot temples, the body temples and the top temples. This grouping is as a symbol of relationship between the heavenly Devine, the earth and mankind. The foot temples expresses the lower world (the commoners), the body temples shows the middle world, (the souls) and the top temples which express the highest world, the place for the Devine, God. The heavenly beings are expressed as human, animals, ornaments, trees and others. All of these pictures showed as the place for the Devines, the Mahameru Mountain (Mahameru mountain lies in East Java, near Malang). Lorojonggrang could be pictured as a replica of Mahameru Mountain which was shown the presence of Lokapala inscriptures at the foot of Ciwa temple which represent as God the guardian of the points of compass.

Ciwa Temples as the main temple had a gate at the East side. The stairs to this gate was wider compared to other stairs (The South, West and the North ). At the left and right side of the gate there were two statues, Nandiswara and Mahakala. These two statues are manifestation of Ciwa, and function as guards of the entrance gate. Ornamentals at the outer side of the wall were of Prambanan type, Kalamakara, heavenly beings in dancing and music playing postures, and other ornamentals representing God's heavenly nature, The base of the temple is surrounded by an open verandah with balustrade in the outer side. The inner side of the balustrade was inscripted Ramayana story as relief. The story of Ramayana is stated from the east.

The main body of the temple consist of four rooms, inside each room lies the statue of Agastya, the Ciwa, the Mahaguru (at the South room) Ganeca as a figure of the Son of Ciwa (at the West room), the statue of Durga Mahesasuramardini as Ciwa the Invulnerable (at the North room), and the statue of Ciwa Mahadewa (Ciwa the Supreme Devine) as the ultimate figure in the temple which occupied the central room. The top of the temple is a multi-story structure, each level is ornamented with diamond-shape figures. The overall dimension of the top temple is 47 meters high and 34 x 34 square meters. The very top part of the temple is a diamond shape structure.

Relief of Ciwa Temple

According to A.J. Bernet Kempers and Sukmono (1974), the inner side of the balustrade in inscripted with the story of Ramayana. In that story, Rama a reincarnation of Wisnu, Sinta his wife and Laksmana, his younger brother went to the wood. Many happenings occurred during their journey in the wood. Sinta was kidnapped by Rahwana, a demonic giant and ran into Rahwana's palace in Alengka. The Rama got a help from the king of the Ape Kingdom, Hanoman. Soldiers of apes leaded by Rama moved to Alengka. The row of the inscripted story ended at the scene where the soldiers of apes were making a bridge connecting to the palace of Rahwana.

The next is the main part of Ramayana story which can be followed by walking along the alley with the main temple at the right. It was told in that story that the Gods visited Wisnu, asking permission to be allowed to descend to earth in the form of Rama.


(1) Wicwamitra, the priest, asked Rama's father to face the demonic giants who frequently came disturbing his meditation.
(2) Rama and Laksmana defeated some giants
(3-4) Rama is marrying Sinta as a prize in a contest using the Ciwa bow.
(5) Sinta was carried home. On his way home he met Para curawa, which Rama was able to extend the bow.
(6-7) Due to the intrigues by one of his father's wife, Rama became illegible to inherit the throne. Bharata substituted his position, then Rama went into the wood.
(7) Preparation for the cremation of his father.
(8) Bharata announced Rama that he would like to run the Kingdom on behalf of Rama. As a symbol he put Rama's sandals at the throne.
(9) Rama and his companions entered the wood, having battles with male and female giants.
(10-12) Others go for hunting, Sinta was then kidnapped by Rahwana in the form of Brahmana. Then Brahmana reformed back to Rahwana. Jatayu, the King of the birds tried to save Sinta but was in faint.
(13-14) Rama met Hanoman
(15) Laksmana took water, and it turned out the tears of Sugriwa, the ape who was ousted from the kingdom by h is own brother.
(16) Rama shown his superiority in archery to Sugriwa.
(17) An interfere the battle between Sugriwa and his brother. Rama killed Sugriwa's brother by his arrow.
(18) Rama received honor from the people of the ape kingdom.
(19) An agreement to sent Hanoman to Alengka to spy Rahwana
(20) Hanoman met Sinta,
(21) But Hanoman was captured and fortunately he was able to release himself. Finally he burned Alengka, Rahwana's Palace.
(22) Hanoman returned to Rama
(23) Soldiers of apes marched toward the coast where Rama received an honor from the God of the Sea.

THE PRAMBANAN TEMPLES

Prambanan Temple ( also known as Lorojonggrang Temple ) was located at Bokoharjo Village, Prambanan, East of Yogyakarta. The exact date of when the Lorojonggrang Temple was built was still in argument. However, there are two opinion of who builds the Temple. One opinion stated that there was only one, dynasty, Cailendra Dynasty, before Lorojonggrang Temple was built. The second opinion stated that there were two dynasties, Cailendra and Sanjaya Dynasty. Cailendra Dynasty occupied the Southern part of Central Java, whereas Sanjaya Dynasty occupied the Northern part. Buddhist Temples were found mostly in the Southern part of Central Java, and that the Ciwa Temples (Hindu) were found in Northern part of Central Java.

It seemed that Sanjaya Dynasty existed before the Cailendra Dynasty with the center of authority in South Kedu (around Magelang, North of Yogyakarta ). This statement was based on Canggal Inscription ( 732 A.D. ). The Sanjaya Dynasty was then pushed to the North by the Cailendra Dynasty which arrived around 778 A.D. (Kalasan Inscription). The existence of Sanjaya Dynasty was also mentioned in Balitung inscription (708 A.D.). In that inscription it was stated that whenever a King died, the King became a "Dews" ( God, Devine). Based on the inscription studies, it showed the sequence of Kings in Sanjaya Dynasty as follows :

1. Sanjaya (732 - 760 A.D.)
2. Panangkaran (760 - 780 A.D.)
3. Warak (800 - 819 A.D.)
4. Garung (819 - 838 A.D.)
5. Pikatan (838 - 851 A.D.)
6. Kayuwangi (851 - 882 A.D.)

The Rise of Cailendra Dynasty was inscripted in Kalasan inscription, and was followed by other inscriptions, but the historical sequence was difficult to be followed and still a debate. Some inscriptions stated the possibility that both dynasties built the same holy temples as well ( Kalasan Inscription and short Inscription in Plaosan Temple ). On the short inscription two Kings were mentioned, Rakai Pikatan from Sanjaya Dynasty and Sri Kaluhunan from the Cailendra Dynasty. Casparis identified Sri Kaluhunan as the son of the latest King of Cailendra Dynasty, Samaratungga. According to Karang Tengah Inscription ( 824 A D. ), Samaratungga was also called Pramodawardani. The marriage of King and Queen with different religion ( Buddha and Ciwa/Hindu) seemed to influence the architecture of Prambanan Temple which was built by King Pikatan ( Sanjaya Dynasty ). The top of Prambanan Temple did not have a lingga type ( phallus type) but instead a ratna type ( ratna = diamond) which looked like a stupa.

At this point, the King who ordered the building of Lorojonggrang Temple is not convincing. According to the 856 A.D. inscription ( locality source is unknown, preserved in Jakarta Museum of Art ) stated that King Jatiningrat was replaced by Dyah Lokapala. Darmais and Casparis identified Dyah Lokapala as King Kayuwangi who issued Argapura Inscription ( 863 A.D.) According to Balitung inscription (907 A.D.), Kayuwangi was the King between 851-882 A.D. The King before Kayuwangi era was Rakai Pikatan, and thus be concluded that Jatiningrat was indeed Rakai Pikatan.

The Balitung Inscription also described more detail on the structural arrangement of temples. On the 11 th line of the inscription, it stated that temple buildings were categorized into two kinds: the Ciwagraha (graha = a house) and Ciwalaya. The main temple (Ciwagraha) was built by the King, and smaller and lesser temples Ciwalaya ) were built by ordinary people regardless of social status.

The temples which were built by ordinary people had a row arrangement with similar height and forms. The main temple ( built by the King ) had its own wall, separated from the smaller temples. The main gate had a statue of Dwarapala, and at the east was planted a "Tanjung tree" which was considered sacred, as a way for God to descend to earth. Furthermore the temple complex had an irrigation system and buildings for the priests. When the building of Ciwa Temple was finished, the flow of a river was diverted passing alongside the walls of the main temple, separating the main temple ( Lorojonggrang Temple and the smaller temples.

From the inscriptional readings, it could be concluded that on the year 856 A.D. (the issuance of the inscription), Lorojonggrang Temple Buildings had been finished. It was Rakai Pikatan who built Lorojonggrang Temple. This evidence was shown by Casparis based on the Lorojonggrang inscription. There were 50 stones at Lorojonggrang Temple with inscriptions written in white, black and red color. The name of Rakai Pikatan was found among the inscription, and that the writing style found in Lorojonggrang Temple was similar to that in Plaosan Temple.

A. The Discovery and Restoration of Prambanan Temple

The discovery of Lorojonggrang Temple was reported by C.A. Lons in 1733. The temple was in ruined condition, abandoned among grass and tree vegetation. First effort to reveal the presence of a temple was done in 1885 by cleaning the site from grasses and shrubs followed by grouping the stones. This project was supervised by Yzerman, Groneman and van Erp. The work was continued in 1918.

Grouping and identifying the stones in detail followed by restructuring Ciwa Temple was done by van Erp. In 1937, restoration began under the supervision of Bosch, followed by Stuuerheim, van Ramound and others. The restoration was finished in December 20, 1953. About 240 temples undergone restoration, such as two Apit Temples (restored in 1923), four Kelir Temples, and four Corner Temples (Candi Sudut), two Perwara Temples, two entrance gates, the South Gate and the North Gate. The next restoration used the Government Routine Development Budget. Those restoration included Brahma Temple ( start restoration in 1978 ), Wisnu Temple (start restoration in 1982).

B. Structural Description and Arrangement

The Prambanan Temple is a group of Hindu temples, and was also known as Lorojonggrang Temple. The word Prambanan refers to the name of a District, Prambanan District, whereas Lorojonggrang refers to its actual name.

The temple complex has three concentric square

Outer square (222 x 390 meters) surrounded by a 1 meter boundary wall.
Middle square (110 x 110 meters) surrounded by a 1 meter boundary wall.
Center square (34 x 34 meters) surrounded by a 1 meter boundary wall.

All the three squares have gates to connect the other squares. The outer square do not have temples. Inside the middle square there are 224 Perwara temples which are arranged in 4 rows of temples. The first row consists of 68 temples, followed by the second row (60 temples), the third row (52 temples) and the fourth row (44 temples ). The arrangement of temples is in such a way that shorter temples lies in the outside and getting higher toward the center. Inside the center square are sixteen small and big temples, Some of them are

1. Ciwa Temple as the main temple.
2. Wisnu Temple in the North of Ciwa Temple.
3. Brahma Temple in the South of Ciwa Temple.
4. Nandi Temple in front of Ciwa Temple.
5. Temple A and B lies in front of Wisnu and Ciwa Temple.
6. Apit Temple lies in the North and the South flanking row of temples {the West and East row (apit = to flank)} 7. Four Kelir Temples in front of each gate of the main square.
8. Four Sudut Temples (sudut = corner) at each of the corner of the main square.

THE PERIOD OF HINDU KINGDOMS

Many well-organized kingdoms with a high degree of civilization were ruled by indigenous kings who had adopted the Hindu or Buddhist religion. This explains why this period in history is called the Period of Hindu Kingdoms. It lasted from ancient times to the 16th Century AD. Because the culture and civilization, which emanated from the Hindu and Buddhist religions, were syncretized with the local cultural elements, the period was also referred to as the Hindu-Indonesian period.

Indian culture and customs were introduced, such as the system of government in a monarchy, the ancestry system, the organization of military troops, literature, music and dances, architecture, religious practices and rituals, and even the division of laborers into castes or varnas. The Hindu literary works known as Vedas and the "Mahabharata" and "Ramayana" epics were also introduced through the wayang, or shadow-play performance, which is still very popular in many parts of present day Indonesia.

The first Indian Buddhists arrived in Indonesia between the 1st and 2nd Centuries AD. They brought with them Buddhism in its two sects, Hinayana and Mahayana. The latter became more advanced in the 8th Century AD.

With the spread of Buddhism to China many Chinese pilgrims sailed to India through the strait of Malacca. On their way, some stopped and temporarily stayed in Indonesia to learn more about Buddhism. In 144 AD a Chinese Buddhist saint, Fa Hsien, was caught in a storm and landed in Java-Dwipa, or Java island, where he stayed for five months. The northern part of the island was then ruled by an Indonesian Hindu King named Kudungga. Kutai, on the island of Borneo, was successively ruled by the Hindu kings Devawarman, Aswawarman and Mulawarman.

When the Greek explorer and geographer, Ptolemy of Alexandria, wrote on Indonesia, he named either the island of Java or Sumatra "abadiou". His chronicles described Java as a country with a good system of government and advanced agriculture, navigation and astronomy. There was even mention of the "batik" printing process of cloth that the people already knew. They also made metalware, used the metric system and printed coins.

Chinese chronicles of 132 AD described the existence of diplomatic regions between Java-Dwipa and China.

Ink and paper had already been in use in China since the 2nd Century AD. Around 502 AD Chinese annals mentioned the existence of the Buddhist Kingdom, Kanto Lim in South Sumatra, presumably in the neighborhood of present-day Palembang. It was ruled by king Gautama Subhadra, and later by his son Pyrawarman of Vinyawarman who established diplomatic relations with China. Because of a spelling or pronunciation difficulty, what the Chinese called "Kanto Li" was probably Crivijaya, a mighty Buddhist kingdom. On his way to India, the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim, I Tsing, visited Crivijaya in 671 AD to study the Sanskrit language. He returned 18 years later, in 689 AD Crivijaya was then the center of Buddhist learning and had many well-known philosophy scholars like Sakyakirti, Dharmapala and Vajabudhi.

The kingdom had diplomatic relations with the south Indian kingdom of Nalanda. The Crivijaya mission built a school on its premises where Indians could learn the art of molding bronze statues and broaden their knowledge of the Buddhist philosophy. With the spread of Buddhism, Crivijaya's influence reached out to many other parts of the archipelago.

Another known Buddhist kingdom was Cailendra in Central Java. It was ruled by the kings of Cailendra Dynasty. During their rule (750-850 AD) the famous Buddhist temple, Borobudur, was built. In 772 AD other Buddhist temple were also build. They include the Mendut, Kalasan and Pawon temples. All of these temples are now preserved as tourist objects near the city of Yogyakarta. The Cailendra kingdom was also known for its commercial and naval power, and its flourishing arts and culture. A guide to team singing, known as the
Chandra Cha-ana, was first written in 778 AD.

One of the Pallawa language-stone inscriptions of 732 AD mentioned the name of King Sanjaya, who was later identified as the king of Mataram, a kingdom that replaced Cailendra in Central Java.
The Prambanan temple, which was dedicated to Lord Civa, was started in 856 AD and completed in 900 AD by King Daksa. Earlier Civa temples were built in 675 AD on the Dieng mountain range, southwest of Medang Kamolan, the capital of the Mataram Kingdom.

In West Java were the kingdoms of Galuh, Kanoman, Kuningan and Pajajaran. The latter was founded by King Purana with Pakuan as its capital. It replaced the kingdom of Galuh. The kingdoms of Taruma Negara, Kawali and Parahyangan Sunda came later.

At the end of the 13th Century, the Crivijaya Empire began to fall as a result of severance by its vassal states and frequent attacks by the south Indian kingdom of Chola and by the Majapahit Kingdom. In the end, Crivijaya was completely conquered by Majapahit with the support of King Aditiawarman of the Melayu kingdom.

Earlier, Majapahit had conquered the kingdom of Jambi in East Sumatra and, by moving its expansion along the rivers, it finally annexed the kingdom of Pagar Ruyung in West Sumatra. Thus, all of Sumatra came under Majapahit's rule.

Meanwhile, for unknown reasons, the mighty kingdoms of Central Java disappeared from historic records and new prosperous kingdom emerged in East Java. King Balitung, who ruled between 820 and 832 AD, succeeded in uniting the Central and East Java kingdoms. The disappearance of records was presumably caused by a natural disaster or an epidemic.

At the end of the 10th Century (911-1007 AD) the powerful kingdom of Singasari emerged in East Java under King Dharmawangsa. He codified laws and translated into Javanese the "Mahabharata" epic and its basic philosophy, as exposed in the Bhisma Parva scripture. He also ordered the 12 translations of the Hindu holy book, the Bhagavat Gita.

Meanwhile, the island of Bali was ruled by King Airlangga, known as a wise and strong ruler. He had water-works built along the Brantas River that are still in use today. Before his death in 1409 AD he divided his kingdom into the kingdoms of Janggala and Daha or Kediri. These were to be ruled by his two sons.

Under Airlangga's rule literary works flourished. The Panji novels written during this period are still popular today. They are even taught in the art faculties of the universities in Thailand, Kampuchea and Malaysia.

King Jayabaya of Kediri 1135-1157 wrote a book in which he foretold the downfall of Indonesia. Subsequently, so he wrote, the country would be ruled by a white race, to be followed by a yellow race. His prediction turned out to be Dutch colonial rule and the Japanese occupation of the country during World War. However, Jayabaya also predicted that Indonesia would ultimately regain her independence. During the golden period of the Kediri Kingdom many other literary works were produced, including the Javanese version of the Mahabharata by Mpu (saint) Sedah and his brother Mpu Panuluh. This work was published in 1157.

The kingdoms of East Java were later succeeded by the Majapahit Kingdom, first ruled by Prince Wiiaya who was also known as King Kartarajasa.

The Moghul emperor, Kubilai Khan attempted to invade Majapahit. His troops, however, were defeated and driven back to their ships. As Majapahit grew to become a powerful empire, it conquered the kingdom of Crivijaya in South Sumatra. As mentioned earlier, this kingdom has once been attacked by the Indian kingdom of Chola.

Under King Hayam Wuruk the Majapahit Empire became the most powerful kingdom in the history of Indonesia. It had dependencies in territories beyond the borders of the present archipelago, such as Champa in North Vietnam, Kampuchea and the Philippines (1331-1364). King Hayam Wuruk, with his able premier Gajah Mada, succeeded in gradually uniting the whole archipelago under the name of Dwipantara.

During this golden period of Majapahit many literary works were produced. Among them was "Negara Kertagama," by the famous author Prapancha (1335-1380). Parts of the book described the diplomatic and economic ties between Majapahit and numerous Southeast Asian countries including Myanmar, Thailand, Tonkin, Annam, Kampuchea and even India and China. Other works in Kawi, the old Javanese language, were "Pararaton," "Arjuna Wiwaha," "Ramayana," and "Sarasa Muschaya." These works were later translated into modern European languages for educational purposes.

sumber:
http://asiarecipe.com/indohishindu.html

Thursday, October 20, 2005

Great Expectations: Hindu Revival Movements in Java, Indonesia

By Thomas Reuter

Hindu empires had flourished in Java for a millennium until they were replaced by expanding Islamic polities in the 15th century, setting the stage for Indonesia becoming the world's largest Muslim nation. In the 1970s, however, a new Hindu revival movement began to sweep across the archipelago. Hinduism is gaining even greater popularity at this time of national crisis, most notably in Java, the political heart of Indonesia. Based on preliminary ethnographic research in five communities with major Hindu temples, this paper explores the political history and social dynamics of Hindu revivalism in Java. Rejecting formalist approaches to the study of religion, including the notion of 'syncretism ', the Hindu revival movements of Java are treated as an illustration of how social agents employ religious or secular concepts and values in their strategic responses to the particular challenges and crises they may face in a specific cultural, social, political and historical setting.

Expectations of a great crisis at the imminent dawn of new golden age, among followers of the Hindu revival movement in Java, are an expression of utopian prophesies and political aspirations more widely known and shared among contemporary Indonesians. These utopian expectations are set to shape the prospects of Indonesia's fledgling democracy. In this paper, I will reflect on the different historical conditions under which these and similar utopian expectations and associated social movements arise, and may either either incite violent conflict or serve a positive role in the creation or maintenance of a fair society.

My interest in Java is recent and arose inadvertently from nearly a decade of earlier research on the neighboring island of Bali. The majority of Balinese consider themselves descendants of noble warriors from the Hindu Javanese empire Majapahit who conquered Bali in the 14th century. A growing number of Balinese are conducting pilgrimages to Hindu temples in Java, most of which have been built in places identified as sacred sites in traditional Balinese texts (often written in Old-Javanese language). Balinese have been heavily involved in the construction and ritual maintenance of these new Hindu temples in Java. They further dominate organizations representing Hinduism at a national level. Finally, many Javanese Hindu priests have been trained in Bali.

I had the opportunity to gain a first hand impression of the expansion of Hinduism in Java and of Balinese involvement therein during a field trip in late 1999. Following preliminary ethnographic research in eight different Hindu Javanese communities it became evident that this movement has its own dynamics and rationale, no matter how much it may have been spurred by Balinese support. Most thought-provoking, perhaps, were the emotional accounts of events since 1965 leading up to a resurgence of Hinduism, and the constant references to the famous Javanese prophesies of Sabdapalon and Jayabaya.

On an earlier field trip in 1995, I was also able to visit central and southern Kalimantan where a large Hindu movement has grown among the local Ngaju Dayak population. The lead-up to a mass declaration for 'Hinduism' on this island was rather different to the Javanese case, in that conversions followed a clear ethnic division. Indigenous Dayak were confronted with a mostly Muslim population of government-sponsored (and predominantly Javanese) migrants and officials, and deeply resentful at the dispossession of their land and its natural resources. Compared to their counterparts among Javanese Hindus, many Dayak leaders were also more deeply concerned about Balinese efforts to standardize Hindu ritual practice nationally; fearing a decline of their own unique 'Hindu Kaharingan' traditions and renewed external domination.

The Javanese Hindu revival movement is in many ways unique, and its recent expansion may surprise a casual observer. Java is often viewed as the headquarters of Islam within the world's most populous Muslim nation. On its own, however, this superficial image fails to do justice to the immensely complex and varied cultural history of this island; a history that continues to exert a profound influence on contemporary Javanese society. A glance at one of the many ancient monuments scattered across its landscape would suffice to remind one of a very different Java, where a succession of smaller and larger Hindu kingdoms flourished for more than a millennium, producing a unique and dynamic mixture of Indic and indigenous Austronesian culture. At the peak of its influence in the 14th century the last and largest among Hindu Javanese empires, Majapahit, reached far across the Indonesian archipelago. This accomplishment is interpreted in modern nationalist discourses as an early historical beacon of Indonesian unity and nationhood, a nation with Java still at its center.

That the vast majority of contemporary Javanese and Indonesians are now Muslims is the outcome of a process of subsequent Islamization. Like Hinduism before it, Islam first advanced into the archipelago along powerful trade networks, gaining a firm foothold in Java with the rise of early Islamic polities along the northern coast. Hinduism finally lost its status as Java's dominant state religion during the 15th and early 16th century, as the new sultanates expanded and the great Hindu empire Majapahit collapsed. Even then, some smaller Hindu polities persisted; most notably the kingdom of Blambangan in eastern Java, which remained intact until the late 18th century.

Islam met with a different kind of resistance at a popular and cultural level. While the majority of Javanese did become 'Muslims', following the example of their rulers, for many among them this was a change in name only. Earlier indigenous Javanese and Hindu traditions were retained by the rural population and even within the immediate sphere of the royal courts, especially in a context of ritual practice. In this sense, the victory of Islam has remained incomplete until today.

To proclaim on these grounds that Javanese religion, or any other religion, is a product of 'syncretism' is to say no more than that it has a history, as every religion inevitably does. Given that history has no definite beginning, 'syncretism' has been a feature in all world religions from the start.[1] Even a more modest distinction between degrees of 'syncretism' or 'orthodoxy' in the religions of different societies, or in those of the same society at different times in its history, is rather unproductive unless this or similar distinctions are situated in relation to much broader historical processes affecting the societies concerned as a whole. A process of religious 'rationalization' (in the Weberian sense), in particular, may needs to be situated within a broader context of modernity.

Insofar as it is justifiable to speak of a trend toward increasing 'orthodoxy' in Indonesian Islam in the 20th century, a trend which applies similarly to Indonesian Hinduism and Christianity, this phenomenon must be assessed against the historical background of colonialism, the subsequent establishment of an independent Indonesian state, and the advent of modernity. In the colonial and post-colonial era, an ever more popular and educated acceptance of Islam was gained, in Java and elsewhere, through the work of independent or government Islamic organizations with an anti-colonial and modernist socio-political orientation. In the wake of this still continuing process of rationalization, a conceptual potential has been created for greater socio-political polarization among the followers of different and, now, more precisely distinguishable 'religions'. Nevertheless, the more orthodox among Javanese Muslims, who tend to identify themselves with a more modern and global notion of Islamic religion, are still a minority and are themselves divided into factions (for example, over the issue of whether to aspire toward a secular or an Islamic Indonesian state). Most recently these divisions became apparent during the dismissal of President Wahid on charges of incompetency.

To a large and growing number of equally 'modern' Javanese, however, their ancient Hindu past is still very present indeed, and prophesied to come alive once more in the near future. A utopian Hindu revival movement has emerged in Java over the last three decades of the twentieth century, and is gathering momentum in the turmoil of Indonesia's continuing economic and political crisis. Drawing on ancient prophesies, many of its members believe that a great natural cataclysm or final battle is at hand in which Islam will be swept from the island to conclude the current age of darkness. Thereafter, they say, Hindu civilization will be restored to its former glory - with Java as the political center of a new world order that will last for a thousand years.

Adding to the concern of Muslim observers, the Javanese Hindu movement is part of a wider national phenomenon of Hindu revivalism and expansion. Situated at the heart of Indonesia, however, the Hindu movement in Java may have the most serious implications yet for the social and political stability of the nation as a whole. In addition, the same mood of apocalyptic fear, utopian expectation and revivalist zeal is shared by many Javanese Muslims. This is made evident in a number of revivalist Islamic movements, whose members also tend to describe the present as an age of moral and social decay.

Recent incidents of inter-religious violence in the Moluccas and Lombok, and the major importance afforded to religious affiliation in Indonesia's recent parliamentary and 1998 presidential elections are both indicative of a national trend towards religious polarization (Ramstedt 1998). Such polarization has not been characteristic of Javanese society, particularly at a community level, where neighborhood cooperation and social peace have been valued more highly than religious convictions (Beatty 1999). With nominal Muslims now openly converting to Hinduism this could well change, tearing away at the delicate web of compromises that is the very fabric of Javanese society. On a more positive note, Indonesians of all confessions also share an urgent desire for political reform and genuine democracy, and may still be prepared to cooperate in the struggle to achieve this common aim.

The emergence of a self-conscious Hindu revival movement within Javanese society is thus a highly significant development. The following preliminary outline of this movement is to provide an appraisal of some of the deep social divisions and widely shared utopian aspirations in contemporary Indonesian society which are set to shape the immediate future of this fragile nation.

Hindu Revivalism in Historical and Political Context

While many Javanese have retained aspects of their indigenous and Hindu traditions through the centuries of Islamic influence, under the banner of 'Javanist religion' (kejawen) or a non-orthodox 'Javanese Islam' (abangan, cf. Geertz 1960), no more than a few isolated communities have consistently upheld Hinduism as the primary mark of their public identity. One of these exceptions are the people of the remote Tengger highlands (Hefner 1985, 1990) in the province of Eastern Java. The Javanese 'Hindus' with whom this paper is concerned, however, are those who had officially declared themselves 'Muslims' prior to their recentconversion to Hinduism.

In an unpublished report in 1999, the National Indonesian Bureau of Statistics tacitly admits that nearly 100.000 Javanese have officially converted or 'reconverted' from Islam to Hinduism over the last two decades. At the same time, the East Javanese branch of the government Hindu organization PHDI (below) in an annual report claims the 'Hindu congregation' (umat hindu) of this province to have grown by 76000 souls in this year alone. The figures are not entirely reliable or objective, nor can they adequately reflect the proportions of Java's new Hindu revival movement, based as they are on the religion stated on people's identity cards (kartu tanda penduduk or 'KTP') or on other measures of formal religious affiliation. According to my own observations, many conversions are informal only, at least for now. In addition, formal figures often do not adequately distinguish between religious conversions and general population growth, given that most government agencies only record people's religion at birth.

Problems with estimating rates of conversion aside, it is remarkable that despite their local minority status the total number of Hindus in Java now exceeds that of Hindus in Bali. Data collected independently during my preliminary research in Eastern Java further suggest that the rate of conversion accelerated dramatically during and after the collapse of former President Suharto's authoritarian regime in 1998.

Officially identifying their religion as Hinduism was not a legal possibility for Indonesians until 1962, when it became the fifth state-recognized religion.[2] This recognition was initially sought by Balinese religious organizations and granted for the sake of Bali, where the majority were Hindu. The largest of these organizations, Parisada Hindu Dharma Bali, changed its name to P.H.D. Indonesia (PHDI) in 1964, reflecting subsequent efforts to define Hinduism as a national rather than just a Balinese affair (Ramstedt 1998). In the early seventies, the Toraja people of Sulawesi were the first to realize this opportunity by seeking shelter for their indigenous ancestor religion under the broad umbrella of 'Hinduism', followed by the Karo Batak of Sumatra in 1977 and the Ngaju Dayak of Kalimantan in 1980 (Bakker 1995).

Religious identity became a life and death issue for many Indonesians around the same time as Hinduism gained recognition, namely, in the wake of the violent anti-Communist purge of 1965-66 (Beatty 1999). Persons lacking affiliation with a state recognized-religion tended to be classed as atheists and hence as communist suspects. Despite the inherent disadvantages of joining a national religious minority, a deep concern for the preservation of their traditional ancestor religions made Hinduism a more palatable option than Islam for several ethnic groups in the outer islands. By contrast, most Javanese were slow to consider Hinduism at the time, lacking a distinct organization along ethnic lines and fearing retribution from locally powerful Islamic organizations like the Nahdatul Ulama (NU). The youth wing of the NU had been active in the persecution not only of communists but of 'Javanist' or 'anti-Islamic' elements within Sukarno's Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI) during the early phase of the killings (Hefner 1987). Practitioners of 'Javanist' mystical traditions thus felt compelled to declare themselves Muslims out of a growing concern for their safety.

The initial assessment of having to abandon 'Javanist' traditions in order to survive in an imminent Islamic state proved incorrect. President Sukarno's eventual successor, Suharto, adopted a distinctly nonsectarian approach in his so-called 'new order' (orde baru) regime. Old fears resurfaced, however, with Suharto's 'Islamic turn' in the 1990s. Initially a resolute defender of Javanist values, Suharto began to make overtures to Islam at that time, in response to wavering public and military support for his government. A powerful signal was his authorization and personal support of the new 'Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals' (ICMI), an organization whose members openly promoted the Islamization of Indonesian state and society (Hefner 1997). Concerns grew as ICMI became the dominant civilian faction in the national bureaucracy, and initiated massive programs of Islamic education and mosque-building through the Ministry of Religion (departemen agama), once again targeting Javanist strongholds. Around the same time, there were a series of mob killings by Muslim extremists of people they suspected to have been practicing traditional Javanese methods of healing by magical means.

Repeated experiences of harassment or worse have left adherents of Javanist traditions with deep-seated fears and resentments. In interviews conducted in 1999, recent Hindu converts in eastern and central Java confessed that they had felt comfortable with a tenuous Islamic identity until 1965, but that their 'hearts turned bitter' once they felt coerced to disavow their private commitment to 'Hindu Javanese ' traditions by abandoning the specific ritual practices which had come to be associated therewith. In terms of their political affiliation, many contemporary Javanists and recent converts to Hinduism had been members of the old PNI, and have now joined the new nationalist party of Megawati Sukarnoputri. Informants from among this group portrayed their return to the 'religion of Majapahit' (Hinduism) as a matter of nationalist pride, and displayed a new sense political self-confidence. Political trends aside, however, the choice between Islam and Hinduism is often a highly personal matter. Many converts reported that other members of their families have remained 'Muslims', out of conviction or in the hope that they will be free to maintain their Javanist traditions in one way or another.

These observations provide no more than a preliminary sketch of the changing landscape of cross-cutting and sometimes contradictory social, political and religious identities wherein the Javanese Hindu revival movement is taking shape. In essence, the collapse of the authoritarian Suharto regime has allowed old rivalries between Islamic and Nationalist parties to resurface in a changed environment and in a new guise. This has led to a degree of socio-political polarization as has not been seen since the 1960s revolution, although it may have been an inherent conceptual possibility throughout modern Indonesian history.

Hindu Revivalism in Social and Economic Context

A common feature among new Hindu communities in Java is that they tend to rally around recently built temples (pura) or around archaeological temple sites (candi) which are being reclaimed as places of Hindu worship. One of several new Hindu temples in eastern Java is Pura Mandaragiri Sumeru Agung, located on the slope of Mt Sumeru, Java's highest mountain. When the temple was completed in July 1992, with the generous aid of wealthy donors from Bali, only a few local families formally confessed to Hinduism. A pilot study in December 1999 revealed that the local Hindu community now has grown to more than 5000 households. Similar mass conversions have occurred in the region around Pura Agung Blambangan, another new temple, built on a site with minor archaeological remnants attributed to the kingdom of Blambangan, the last Hindu polity on Java. A further important site is Pura Loka Moksa Jayabaya (in the village of Menang near Kediri), where the Hindu king and prophet Jayabaya is said to have achieved spiritual liberation (moksa). A further Hindu movement in the earliest stages of development was observed in the vicinity of the newly completed Pura Pucak Raung (in the Eastern Javanese district of Glenmore), which is mentioned in Balinese literature as the place where the Hindu saint Maharishi Markandeya gathered followers for an expedition to Bali, whereby he is said to have brought Hinduism to Bali in the fifth century AD. An example of resurgence around major archaeological remains of ancient Hindu temple sites was observed in Trowulan near Mojokerto. The site may be the location of the capital of the legendary Hindu empire Majapahit. A local Hindu movement is struggling to gain control of a newly excavated temple building which they wish to see restored as a site of active Hindu worship. The temple is to be dedicated to Gajah Mada, the man attributed with transforming the small Hindu kingdom of Majapahit into an empire. Although there has been a more pronounced history of resistance to Islamization in East Java, Hindu communities are also expanding in Central Java (Lyon 1980), for example in Klaten, near the ancient Hindu monuments of Prambanan.

It is a common feature of social organization in neighboring Bali to find temples at the hub of various networks of social affiliation (Reuter 1998). Temples may be equally important for Hindu Javanese, though for different reasons. Clear ethnic or clan-like divisions are generally lacking in Javanese society, and in any case, would be too exclusive to promote a rapid expansion of new Hindu communities. How social relations take shape within the support networks of Javanese Hindu temples and how they differ from those among patrons of Balinese temples remains to be explored, as is also true of the ritual practice of Javanese Hindus. Some of the resemblances observed so far seem to reflect not only the common historical influence of Hinduism in Java and Bali, but also a common indigenous cultural heritage shared among these and other Austronesian-speaking societies (Fox & Sathers 1996).

Taking Pura Sumeru as an example, it is also important to note that major Hindu temples can bring a new prosperity to local populations. Apart from employment in the building, expansion, and repair of the temple itself, a steady stream of Balinese pilgrims to this now nationally recognized temple has led to the growth of a sizeable service industry. Ready-made offerings, accommodation, and meals are provided in an ever-lengthening row of shops and hotels along the main road leading to Pura Sumeru. At times of major ritual activity tens of thousands of visitors arrive each day. Pilgrims' often generous cash donations to the temple also find their way into the local economy. Pondering with some envy on the secret to the economic success of their Balinese neighbors, several local informants concluded that "Hindu culture may be more conducive to the development of an international tourism industry than is Islam". Economic considerations also come into play insofar as members of this and other Hindu revival movements tend to cooperate in a variety of other ways, including private business ventures which are unrelated to their joint religious practices as such.

Hindu Revivalism as a Utopian Movement

Followers and opponents alike explain the sudden rise of a Hindu revival movement in Java by referring to the well-known prophecies of Sabdapalon and Jayabaya. In this they reveal a number of shared utopian and apocalyptic expectations, even though their interpretations of the prophesies differ significantly. These mixed expectations have been a reflection of growing popular dissatisfaction with the corrupt and dictatorial Suharto government in the 1990s and until its demise in 1998, following student riots and popular demonstrations in many major Javanese cities in the wake of the Asian economic crisis. They also draw inspiration from a deeper crisis of political and economic culture still current in Indonesia today. The Indonesia's present first democratically elected government under President Abdurahman Wahid's leadership again has attracted criticism, increasingly so in during recent months, as the nation continueds to be threatened by religious conflict, secession movements in Aceh and West Papua, and by government corruption scandals.[3] Under the new presidency of Megawati Sukarnoputri (from 23 July 2001) this sense of political instability is widely expected to persist. At the same time many also fear a possible return to the repression of the Suharto years. It is the prophesies of Sabdapalon and Jayabaya that provide perhaps the most ready vehicle for the interpretation of these tumultuous political events, to the members of Hindu revival movements as well as their opponents. The prophesies of Sabdapalon and Jayabaya provide a ready vehicle for the interpretation of these events, to the members of Hindu revival movements as well as their opponents.

Sabdapalon is said to have been a priest and an adviser to Brawijaya V, the last ruler of the Hindu empire Majapahit. He is also said to have cursed his king upon the conversion of the latter to Islam in 1478. Sabdapalon then promised to return, after 500 years and at a time of widespread political corruption and natural disasters, to sweep Islam from the island and restore Hindu-Javanese religion and civilization. Some of the first new Hindu temples built in Java were indeed completed around 1978, for example Pura Blambangan in the regency of Banyuwangi. As the prophesies foretold, Mt Sumeru erupted around the same time. All this is taken as evidence of the accuracy of Sabdapalon's predictions. Islamic opponents of the Hindu movements accept the prophesies, at least in principle, though their interpretations differ. Some attribute the Hindu conversions to a temporary weakness within Islam itself, laying blame on the materialism of modern life, on an associated decline of Islamic values, or on the persistent lack of orthodoxy among practitioners of 'Javanese Islam' (Soewarno 1981). In their opinion, the 'return of Sabdapalon' is meant to test Islam and to propel its followers toward a much needed revitalization and purification of their faith.

A further prophesy, well-known throughout Java and Indonesia, is the Ramalan (or Jangka) Jayabaya. A recent publication on these prophesies by Soesetro & Arief (1999) has become a national best seller. The predictions of Jayabaya are also discussed frequently in daily newspapers. These ancient prophesies, indeed, are very much a part of a current public debate on the ideal shape of a new and genuinely democratic Indonesia.

The historical personage Sri Mapanji Jayabaya reigned over the kingdom of Kediri in East Java from 1135 to 1157 AD (Buchari 1968:19). He is known for his efforts to reunify Java after a split had occurred with the death of his predecessor Airlangga, for his just and prosperous rule, and for his dedication to the welfare of the common people. Reputed to have been an incarnation of the Hindu deity Vishnu, Jayabaya is also the archetypal image of the 'just king' (ratu adil) who is reborn during the dark age of reversal (jaman edan) at the end of each cosmic cycle to restore social justice, order, and harmony in the world. Many believe that the time for the arrival of a new ratu adil is near (as the prophesies put it, "when iron wagons drive without horses and ships sail through the sky [i.e. cars and airplanes]"), and that he will come to rescue and reunite Indonesia after an acute crisis, ushering in the dawn of a new golden age. These apocalyptic and utopian expectations evoke the notion of a revolving cosmic cycle, of a glorious past declining into a present state of moral decay, where the ideal order of things is momentarily inverted, only to be restored again in a future that is in effect a return to the past.

Hindu Javanese emphasize with pride that their ancestors Sabdapalon and Jayabaya represent a golden pre-Islamic age. Islamic opponents, in turn, claim that Jayabaya was in fact a Muslim and that Sabdapalon had only resisted conversion because what he was confronted with at the time was but a muddled and impure version of Islam (Soewarno 1981). Nevertheless, Muslim and Hindu interpreters agree that this is the time of reckoning, of major political reform if not a revolution. They also tend to agree that a truly democratic system of government may only be realized with the help of a leader of the highest moral caliber, thus blending modern notions of democracy with traditional notions of charismatic leadership.

That the prophesies of Jayabaya are of profound significance to Indonesians of very different persuasion and from all walks of life is illustrated by the secret visits (once before he was nominated as a presidential candidate and again before his election) of President Abdurahman Wahid (then head of the NU) to the ancestral origin temple of Raja Jayabaya in Bali, the remote mountain sanctuary Pura Pucak Penulisan.[4] After a solitary nocturnal devotion at this ancient Hindu temple, as local priests told me, Gus Dur (the president's popular nickname) spoke with them at length about Jayabaya's prophesies and the imminent arrival of a new ratu adil. Opponents of Gus Dur have prefered to identify his government with another passage in the prophesies, which refer to "a king whose [interim] rule shall last no longer than the life span of a maize plant".

In conversations in Java and Bali in late 1999, I was continuously struck by the spirited political idealism of my informants, and their readiness even to risk their lives in the pursuit of political reform. It was sobering to note that they were envisaging for their Indonesia of the future so ideal a system of government as even western democracies could not claim to have achieved so far. I became rather concerned as well, in contemplating a very different attitude of cynicism and a sense of futility that now seems to permeate political life in western societies, and is reflected in the decline of popular participation and the silent attrition of important democratic institutions, such as independent universities (Ellingsen 1999). Studying Hindu revivalism in Java, in particular, reminded me also of persistent utopian and apocalyptic undertones in western scientific and technological worldviews, such as the early utopian predictions of a new cyber-democracy among Internet users and the more recent apocalyptic hysteria about the 'Y2K' computer bug.

Implications

The study of 'revival', 'millenarian', 'cargo-cult' or 'revolutionary' movements has a long and somewhat controversial history in the social sciences (Schwartz 1987). A common feature identified in studies of such movements is the linking of apocalyptic and utopian expectations, suggesting a tendency for people to readily believe what they most fear or wish to be true. Most analysts have stressed the ease with which charismatic and authoritarian leader figures can exploit such powerful beliefs and sentiments (Adorno 1978), and how mass manipulation may precipitate self-destructive behavior, such as collective suicide, or bizarre acts of violence. At the same time, social theory has produced its own visions of apocalypse and utopia, Karl Marx' prophesy of a 'final class struggle' and subsequent 'class-less society' being the most prominent among them.

In both cases, the lingering impression is that highly fatalistic or idealistic social movements are dangerous and destructive in the extreme. This is often true enough, but not necessarily so. Utopian expectations as such, judging by the original meaning of the word utopia ('no-place'), do not suggest a need for a single radical change so much as a continuous process of reform; a striving towards an ideal that ultimately can not be located or reached. As for apocalypticism, much may depend on whether it has some rational foundation. This may well be the case in Indonesia, now poised, as it is, at a significant historical juncture.[5]

A fundamental problem and simultaneously a source of inspiration for this field of social research has been the immense variability within the class of phenomena it seeks to describe. In the absence of a comprehensive theoretical framework that would serve to identify major categories of historical, political or situational variables in the genesis, development and outcomes of such apocalyptic or utopian movements, reporters and researchers alike are often seduced into focusing instead on their more obscure and sensational features.Although there have been repeated attempts to draw this research together under the umbrella of a single paradigm, such as Smelser's (1962) proposal for a more general category of 'value-focused social movements', discussion continues to be frustrated by disagreements on matters of definition and terminology. This problem pertains to discussions both across and within the boundaries of contributing disciplines, including anthropology, political science, sociology, social psychology and comparative religion. A review of the extensive and varied literature on millenarian movements is beyond the scope of this paper.

Under these adverse conditions, most attempts to transcend the specificity of particular apocalyptic or millenarian movements have been geographically or culturally restricted, and taken shape in discussions among groups of area specialists. The more significant among recent advances in the field, on the basis of such regional comparisons, have come from anthropological research on 'cargo-cult' movements in Papua New Guinea (Stewart 2000) and on 'endtime' movements in America (Stewart & Harding 1999).

This regional focusing of the discussion has paid dividends as an interim solution, but it also has detracted attention from a broader anthropological project of understanding idealistic social movements as a possible modality of social change in all human societies. While the notion of 'millenarian movements' has become a kind of gateway concept for researchers in PNG and the USA, for example, those working in other regions may pay very little attention to the same topic even though they may have cause to do so. Indonesia is one of these more or less neglected regions, with only a small minority of scholars caring to comment on millenarian movements and their recent proliferation (including Lee 1999, Timmer 2000).

Collaboration among fellow Indonesianists will be essential for any future attempt to raise the level of comparative research on this topic to the same high standard that has been achieved elsewhere. Even then, such a regional research project must be firmly anchored in a general anthropological theory. Without such a broader comparative framework to bridge the gaps between regional studies, the latter may deteriorate, for example, into neo-colonial discourses about the 'inherent madness' of Indonesia or other non-western societies. This particular objection has been raised most vehemently in recent critiques of 'cargo-cult'studies (Lindstrom 1993, Kaplan 1995).

While Javanese Hindu revivalism may serve as my privileged example, an important future aim is to develop a more general theoretical approach to 'value-oriented social movements', on the basis of four hypothesis. Namely, that these movements; 1) can occur in all human societies, 2) are an extreme manifestation or response to social change, 3) are informed by radical some forms of 'religious' or 'secular' idealism, and 4) are accompanied by a heightened self-awareness among participants of being 'agents' or 'witnesses' of societal change. These different dimensions of idealist social movements are assumed to be interconnected. A heightened sense of agency and reflexivity, for example, may reflect in different ways on underlying material and symbolic interests that have been frustrated or denied to broad or narrow sectors of the society concerned.

The link between value-based social movements and the general phenomena of 'socio-cultural change' and 'reproduction' is a crucial issue, and it is both complex and variable. As a force operating within underdetermined and mutable socio-cultural worlds with limited cohesion such movements can not be adequately described, by evoking the metaphor of a homeostatic 'system', as either 'functional' or 'dysfunctional'. Even if we were to define cultural reproduction and change more cautiously, as different takes on a single and largely unpredictable historical process, some of these movements may appear to be exerting a 'reactionary' influence while others are more 'radical' or a combination of both. Expressions of social critique (in relation to society as it is or is perceived) are a common theme in the discourses produced within different value-oriented social movements. But we may also find combinations of restorative or visionary idealism, in different proportions, depending on whether the critique is focused on undesirable change or undesirable stagnation in the society concerned.

In evaluating the significance of Hindu revivalism and similar movements in Java for the stability and future development of Indonesian democracy, it is thus of the utmost importance to adopt a balanced view of processes of social change and their implications. The acute danger normally attributed to rapid social change in general and to idealistic social movements in particular must be weighed against the less sensational dangers of political inactivity, cynicism and complacency. Rather than casting a condescending judgement on the state of Indonesian society, the current proliferation of millenarianism therein must be evaluated within the context of a critical project of cross-cultural comparison. In this context, it may be worth pointing to the current "anti-globalization" movement in western countries, for this movement too serves as a reminder: The creation of a just society is a continuous, often circular, and still unfinished project, as much for us as it is for the people of Indonesia.

Footnotes

[1] Islam, for example, incorporated elements from the tribal traditions of Arab peoples and from Jewish and Christian texts such as the 'Old Testament'.

[2] The other four state-recognized religions (agama) are Islam, Catholicism, Protestantism, and Buddhism (mainly Indonesians of Chinese ethnicity). Unrecognized religions are categorized by the state as minor'streams of belief' (aliran kepercayaan) or are simply treated as a part of different local 'customs and traditions' (adat).

[3] As I am writing this, parliamentary procedures have been set into motion so as to impeach President Abdurahman Wahid on allegations of his involvement in corruption scandals.

[4] Pura Pucak Penulisan is still an important regional temple, and was a state temple of Balinese kings from the eighth century AD (Reuter 1998). Many statues of Balinese kings are still found in its inner sanctum, including one depicting Airlangga's younger brother Anak Wungsu. Literary sources suggest that intimate ties of kinship connected the royal families of Bali with the dynasties of Eastern Javanese kingdoms, including Kediri. Jayabaya's predecessor Airlannga, for example, was a Balinese prince.

[5] Sometimes apocalyptic expectations can reach such a pitch that members of the movement concerned may feel a need to bring about the very cataclysm the have been predicting. The poison gas attack in Tokyo launched by Japan's AUM Shinokio sect is a recent example. It is still uncertain whether the recent bomb attacks on Javanese Christian churches over the christmas period of 2000 were the responsibility of radical religious groups, or were instigated by other political interest groups wishing to destabilize the country by inciting simmering inter-religious conflicts in Java to the same level of violence as in the troubled Molukka Province.

References

Adorno, T. W. 1978. 'Freudian Theory and the Pattern of Fascist Propaganda'. In A. Arato & E. Gebhardt (eds), The Essential Frankfurt School Reader. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

Bakker, F. 1995. Bali in the Indonesian State in the 1990s: The religious aspect. Paper presented at the Third International Bali Studies Workshop, 3-7 July 1995.

Beatty, A. 1999. Varieties of Javanese Religion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Buchari 1968. 'Sri Maharaja Mapanji Garasakan'. Madjalah Ilmu-Ilmu Sastra Indonesia, 1968(4):1-26.

Ellingsen, P. 1999. 'Silence on Campus: How academics are being gagged as universities toe the corporate line'. Melbourne: The Age Magazine, 11.12.1999:26-32.

Fox, J. & Sathers, C. (eds) 1996. Origins, Ancestry and Alliance: Explorations in Austronesian Ethnography. Canberra: Department of Anthropology, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University.

Geertz, C. 1960. The Religion of Java. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Hefner, R. 1985. Hindu Javanese: Tengger Tradition and Islam. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Hefner, R. 1987. 'The Political Economy of Islamic Conversion in Modern East Java'. In W. Roff (ed.), Islam and the Political Economy of Meaning. London: Croom Helm.

Hefner, R. 1990. The Political Economy of Mountain Java. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hefner, R. 1997. 'Islamization and Democratization in Indonesia'. In R. Hefner & P. Horvatich (eds), Islam in an Era of Nation States: Politics and Religious Renewal in Muslim Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Kaplan, M. 1995. Neither Cargo nor Cult: Ritual Politics and the Colonial Imagination in Fiji. Durham (NC): Duke University Press.

Lee, K. 1999. A Fragile Nation: The Indonesian Crisis. River Edge (N.J.): World Scientific.

Lindstrom, L. 1993. Cargo Cult: Strange Stories of Desire from Melanesia and Beyond. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Lyon, M. 1980. 'The Hindu Revival in Java". In J. Fox (ed.), Indonesia: The making of a Culture. Canberra: Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University.

Ramstedt, M. 1998. 'Negotiating Identity: 'Hinduism' in Modern Indonesia'. Leiden: IIAS Newsletter, 17:50.

Reuter, T. 1998. 'The Banua of Pura Pucak Penulisan: A Ritual Domain in the Highlands of Bali'. Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, 32 (1):55-109.

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Soesetro, D. & Arief, Z. 1999. Ramalan Jayabaya di Era Reformasi. Yogyakarta: Media Pressindo.

Soewarna, M. 1981. Ramalan Jayabaya Versi Sabda Palon. Jakarta: P.T Yudha Gama.

Stewart, K. & Harding, S. 1999. 'Bad Endings: American Apocalypsis'. Annual Review of Anthropology 28:285-310.

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Note: Dr Thomas Reuter is Queen Elizabeth II Research Fellow at the University of Melbourne's School of Anthropology, Geography & Environmental Studies. This paper was published in The Australian Journal of Anthropology and is being reproduced with their permission.

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Agama Siwa-Buddha

Dari Wikipedia Indonesia, ensiklopedia bebas berbahasa Indonesia.

Agama Siwa-Buddha di Nusantara

Mereka yang pertama kali memperkenalkan budaya India di Indonesia semestinya adalah kaum brahmana, biarawan dan pendeta pelbagai sekte dan mazhab di India, yang mengikuti rute perdagangan maritime. Tetapi ketika mereka sudah mendapatkan sejumlah pengikut, sebuah gelombang gerakan lainnya semestinya terjadi dan orang-orang Indonesia yang sudah memeluk ajaran agama mereka lalu berlayar ke India sebagai peziarah dan mahasiswa kemudian kembali dengan kesan-kesan dan khazanah ilmu-ilmu baru.

Kebudayaan India semestinya diterima dengan senang. Seperti sudah sering dikemukakan, persamaan-persamaan antara kesenian Hindu-Jawa dan India tidak bisa di... menjadi satu periode, satu daerah atau satu gaya, tetapi ternyata tersebar di seluruh India. Hal yang sama juga bisa dikatakan mengenai tradisi sastra Jawa Kuna dan seterusnya Bali. Baik sastra yang berhubungan dengan agama maupun yang sekular. Sementara untuk pengaruh agama, hanya ada satu aliran agama India yang bekasnya tak ditemukan di Jawa, Bali maupun di daerah lainnya di Nusantara, yaitu aliran Jainisme.

Meskipun mereka memiliki pengetahuan luas akan apa yang disajikan oleh India, hal ini tidak berarti bahwa orang Jawa dan Bali menerapkan ilmu pengetahuan mereka dengan cara yang sama seperti orang India, atau bahkan menerapkan semuanya. Bahkan bisa dikatakan bahwa meskipun mereka memiliki hampir semua bahan bangunan India, mereka tidak pernah membangun sebuah gedung India. Sementara hal ini kurang lebih benar apabila berhubungan dengan arsitektur, perumpamaan ini bisa pula diterapkan pada bidang agama. Tradisi Jawa-Bali juga meliputi banyak ajaran-ajaran dan cara-cara pemujaan yang secara keseluruhan terdiri dari unsur-unsur India, tetapi hal yang persis sama tidak bisa ditemukan di India. Pada saat penyeleksian dan kombinasi antar ajaran ini, ciri khas kebangsaan Jawa-Bali jelas sangat menentukan. Dan bagaimana seleksi dan kombinasi ini dilakukan, merupakan masalah-masalah yang sangat menarik bagi peneliti budaya Jawa dan Bali.

Agama Buddha pasti sampai di Nusantara cukup awal dan banyak informasi mengenai hal ini kita dapatkan dari sumber-sumber Tionghoa. Fa Xien yang datang dari Sri Langka pada tahun 414, terdampar karena angin taupan yang hebat ke Yeh p’o t’i (Yawadwîpa, entah ini Jawa atau Sumatra, kurang jelas), merasa agak kecewa terhadap situasi agamanya (=agama Buddha) di sana, apalagi apabila dibandingkan dengan kaum brahmana dan orang-orang ‘kafir’. Tetapi sebelum tahun 424, menurut sumber China lagi, agama Buddha tersebar di negara Shê p’o (=Jawa). Sang misionaris atau pendakwah yang menyebarkan agama ini adalah konon adalah Gunawarman, seorang putra pangeran dari Kasmir. Ia datang ke pulau Jawa dari Sri Langka dan pada tahun 424 bertolak ke China, di mana beliau meninggal tujuh tahun kemudian. Beliau menterjemahkan sebuah teks dari mazhab Dharmagupta

Pada abad ketujuh, kedelapan, kesembilan para penganut Buddha Indonesia, atau paling tidak beberapa pusat agama Buddha di Sumatra dan Jawa sudah merupakan bagian dari sifat kosmopolitis agama ini. Kesan ini terutama didapatkan dari karya I Ching. Dalam buku kenangannya, ia menceritakan bahwa sang peziarah Hui Ning memutuskan perjalanannya selama tiga tahun di pulau Jawa (664/5 – 667/8) untuk menterjemahkan sebuah sutra, kemungkinan besar dari mazhab Hinayana, mengenai Nirwana yang agung. Penterjemahannya dibantu seorang pakar Jawa yang bernama Jñânabhadra. Sedangkan I Ching sendiri menghargai pusat-pusat studi agama Buddha di Sumatra secara tinggi. Hal ini terbukti dari fakta bahwa ia tinggal selama enam bulan di Sriwijaya dan dua bulan di Malayu (Jambi) dalam perjalanannya ke India pada tahun 671 dan setelah itu selama sepuluh tahun di Sriwijaya (685-695).

Selain itu ia juga meringkaskan bahwa agama Buddha dipeluk di negeri-negeri yang dikunjunginya dan sebagian besar, mazhab Hinayanalah yang dianut, kecuali di Malayu di mana ada pula beberapa penganut Mahayana.

Tetapi di pulau Jawa, kurang dari seabad setelah ini, bentuk agama Buddha yang paling banyak dianut merupakan sebuah kombinasi antara Mahayana dan Vajrayana. Candi Borobudur yang oleh beberapa orang tertentu dianggap sebagai sebuah mandala raksasa, pada ribuan bas-reliefnya menunjukkan pemandangan atau adegan yang dimuat dalam sejumlah teks-teks dalam bahasa Sansekerta yang bernafaskan atau dijadikan dasar dari faham Mahayana. Teks-teks ini adalah: Mahakarmawibhangga, Lalitawistara, Diwyawadana dan Gandawyuha.

Dengan candi Borobudur maka kita memasuki era berkembangnya budaya India-Jawa di Jawa Tengah (awal abad ke 8 – 929). Era ini merupakan era yang meninggalkan kita candi-candi Kalasan, Mendut Sewu, Plaosan, Prambanan dan lain sebagainya. Kemungkinan besar, banyak candi pula yang telah musnah. Semua candi ini adalah candi Buddha atau candi Siwa. Agama Buddha sepertinya dianut oleh dinasti Sailendra dan agama Hindu-Siwa dianut oleh dinasti Mataram I, yang mengikuti Sailendra dan kemungkinan besar mendahului mereka pula. Dinasti Sailendra kemungkinan besar merupakan sebuah intermezzo saja. Tetapi pasti kedua aliran agama ini ada dan berkembang secara berdampingan.

Sebenarnya tidak perlu dikemukakan lagi bahwa pasti ada lebih banyak aliran-aliran agama yang pernah ada pada masa yang disebut di atas ini selain yang bisa dilihat pada peninggalan-peninggalan candi-candi yang ada. Meskipun begitu ada sebuah aliran agama penting yang tidak ada bekasnya yaitu aliran Wisnuisme. Pada Prasasti Tarumanegara yang berasal dari kurang lebih tahun 450, menunjukkan bahwa prabu Purnawarman dari Tarumanagara di Jawa Barat menganut aliran Wisnuisme. Tetapi di sisi lain, paham Wisnu dari dulu sudah dianggap kurang penting daripada paham Siwa maupun Buddha di Nusantara.

Lalu kemudian di jaman Majapahit agama Siwa dan Buddha berpadu menjadi satu. Hal-hal persatuan ini bisa dilihat dalam beberapa karya sastra:
Kakawin Sutasoma
Kakawin Arjuna Wijaya

Pada jaman sekarang, di pulau Bali dan Lombok, agama Siwa dan Buddha dianggap dua mazhab berbeda dari satu agama yang sama. Di Bali ada sebuah desa yang bernama Boda Keling di Karangasem, di sini seluruh penduduknya menganut mazhab ini.

sumber:
http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agama_Siwa-Buddha